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AIDS, Intimacy and Care in Rural KwaZulu-Natal: A Kinship of - download pdf or read online

By Patricia C. Henderson

Patricia C. Henderson, a South African anthropologist, resided from March 2003 to February 2006 in Okhahlamba, a municipality within the South African province of KwaZulu-Natal. during this booklet, she recounts her adventure between this rural inhabitants who lived less than the shadow of HIV/AIDS. Spanning a interval that starts off sooner than antiretrovirals have been on hand to a time while those remedies have been eventually used to deal with the unwell, this robust account of a poor sickness and the groups which it impacts specializes in the binds among anguish and kinship in South Africa.

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Read or Download AIDS, Intimacy and Care in Rural KwaZulu-Natal: A Kinship of Bones (Amsterdam University Press - Care and Welfare Series) PDF

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Extra info for AIDS, Intimacy and Care in Rural KwaZulu-Natal: A Kinship of Bones (Amsterdam University Press - Care and Welfare Series)

Sample text

In this text he retreated from his earlier, triumphal embracing of culture as the “superorganic” (first launched in 1917; see Kroeber 1952: 22–51) and took a carefully reasoned position that seems not to have been widely noted. All cultural phenomena are invariably related to certain other cultural phenomena to which they are similar and which precede or succeed them or occur near them contemporaneously; and their fullest understanding can be attained only through cognizance of these relations.

Because ideas and behaviors change over time, cultural systems evolve as changes occur in relative frequencies of the variants. Durham illustrates this model through a case study of the Nuer incest taboo. His notion of “pattern” contrasts with those of Brown and Wright. For Wright, a pattern consists of a widely dispersed item of material culture, such as a ceramic decorative style. For Brown, a pattern is a widely shared cognitive understanding, such as the understanding of spatial designations.

There is no doubt that this definition addressed a fundamental issue in our understanding of human evolution. But since we frankly lack procedures by which to identify post hoc how most ideas must have been acquired, this seems to be a sleeping clause in our operational definition for distinguishing culture and not-culture in the empirical world of human ethnography— and we are poorly equipped in the way of any general theory of learning to do much about it. We may thus have legitimate doubts about how much can be achieved, generally and theoretically, in the study of human lifeways by thinking along lines of the question, which distinctive features of ideas might be entailed by the fact that ideas are “learned”?

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